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A Good Time for Welfare Reform
An improved economy and lighter welfare caseloads give states a little welcome leeway in their efforts to change "welfare as we know it."

State Legislatures Magazine - July/August 1997


By Jack Tweedie

States could hardly have picked better timing to take on the difficult challenges of welfare reform. A strong economy and rapidly declining caseloads give states a running start on moving welfare people into jobs. Don't misunderstand. States still must move many more recipients into jobs than have left welfare so far. An economic downturn would undermine even their current achievements. But current conditions give them a good job environment and more resources to concentrate on fewer cases. States are learning which approaches work. And the early progress can contribute to the momentum necessary to transform the welfare system from one that writes checks to one that prepares recipients for work and provides them with needed support services such as child care and transportation

UNDERSTANDING THE CASELOAD REDUCTION

Across the country, caseloads declined by 20 percent from January 1993 to January 1997. This is the largest decline in over 50 years. In 17 states, caseloads declined by more than 30 percent. In 17 others, they declined between 21 and 30 percent, so that two-thirds of all the states have had declines of more than 20 percent. In only four states have caseloads increased during this time.

The drop has occurred for a number of reasons, but it is difficult to say exactly why such a large decline has happened now. In the past, welfare caseloads have been strongly affected by the economy and the number of jobs, especially low-wage jobs, that are available. The strong economy across the country is probably the primary reason that caseloads have dropped. The critical question is how much difference state and federal welfare reforms have made. A recent report by the White House Council of Economic Advisers credits 44 percent of the drop to the falling unemployment rate and 31 percent to welfare reform. While no one method of calculating these effects is necessarily accurate, this estimate does highlight the critical role of the economy and the potential effect of welfare reforms.

Linking caseload drops and welfare changes is tricky. Some of the largest caseload drops have been experienced by states that are aggressively pursuing reforms, such as Indiana, Oregon and Wisconsin. However, large drops have also occurred in states that have not yet implemented major reforms, such as Alabama and West Virginia. And even in the aggressive states, their declines have occurred despite the fact that the reforms are still being implemented. In short, states' new programs have probably not had a major impact so far. The good news is that those effects are still to come. Welfare programs across the country have started to focus on helping people find work and increasing the support services they provide for those who do. As these programs expand, more recipients will leave the welfare rolls for jobs. At the same time, we need to be cautious. We still do not understand which programs work best--what mix of incentives and services enables recipients to find and keep work. Nor do we know what is happening to families that leave welfare.

In an important way, welfare reform has contributed to the caseload decline. The debate about a new welfare system encouraged new attitudes toward welfare and work in the public, in welfare offices, and among recipients and potential recipients themselves. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, welfare was largely accepted as an entitlement--single parents were entitled to a basic level of support if they stayed home to raise their children. Of those eligible for welfare, around 70 percent applied for and received benefits during the 1960's. By the mid-1970s, the participation rate was over 90 percent. Because of changes in the characteristics of women receiving welfare and increases in the number of non-welfare women with children in the workforce, more welfare recipients are expected to work. Even before they enter welfare offices, applicants know that more is going to be expected of them and that they can count on welfare for only a limited time.

The recent changes in welfare across the country have driven that point home. When applicants walk into the welfare office, they are going to hear about job searches, work requirements and time limits. Participation rates are going back down as many potential applicants do not apply or carry through their applications. Some will find work on their own rather than be required to do so by welfare officials. Others will depend on support from families or community networks. Some, however, may be falling into more desperate poverty, even becoming homeless and losing their ability to care for their children.

WELFARE REFORM IS MORE THAN REDUCING CASELOADS

This last group is the one that needs the most watching. Even though caseloads have been dropping in many states for a few years, we do not really know what happens to the families that leave welfare. In most states, these families drop out of official sight unless they come to the attention of the child welfare system because of neglect or abuse or they return to the welfare office.

Caseload reductions are therefore only part of the story. Moving a family off welfare is the start--the critical challenge is enabling parents to support their families without needing welfare. States need to track families that leave welfare. Tracking is even more important as families lose benefits because parents do not meet new work requirements or their time limits run out. Knowing what happens to families after welfare will give us a clearer understanding of which programs work better. Tracking will also help child welfare officials identify families that cannot care adequately for their children. Officials can then step in to provide whatever assistance or services are necessary to protect the children and to keep the family together if that is possible.

TAKING ADVANTAGE OF THE CASELOAD REDUCTION

Declines in the caseloads alter the challenges that face states. Smaller caseloads mean that less money is needed to pay benefits. Spending necessary to provide existing services also goes down. At the same time, federal welfare money was calculated using the much higher caseload numbers. States can increase services provided to recipient families without increasing state spending. Of course, states can also maintain the existing level of services, reduce state welfare spending and allocate it to other purposes such as schools, prisons, or tax reductions. While this is an attractive option, it is important to remember that the federal law substantially increases the work mandates that states have to achieve. States' work participation rates rise to 50 percent by FY 2002. And families will start hitting their five year time limits about the same time. State programs have a ways to go before they can meet these mandates.

States should recognize that the families leaving welfare and driving the caseload reductions are generally those with the most skills and work opportunities. The families remaining on welfare face the most challenges in finding work and supporting their families without cash assistance. Two-thirds of them do not have high school diplomas and half of them do not have recent work experience. Even states that have been successful in moving recipients into jobs must develop new approaches to work with these hard-to-place recipients. States should also prepare for the possibility of an economic downturn where caseloads will rise again and spending will increase, but no more federal money is likely to be available unless the downturn is severe. The recent caseload decline gives states the flexibility they need to address these issues without needing new state money. Their actions while caseloads are down will make a big difference when conditions change.


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